名人演讲稿英文（共6篇）
篇1：名人演讲稿英文
This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.
Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the United States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their lifes savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.
Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the United States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the United States.
The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: ”There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other.“ And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: ”Others are correct when they say: With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves. I can beat any other power in the world.“ So said the leader of the Nazis.
In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the United States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.
At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are being engaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.
Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no ”unwritten agreement.“ And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.
Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.
Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.
During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: ”Please, Mr. President, dont frighten us by telling us the facts.“ Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.
Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hours notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, ”The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places.“ The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.
The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of ”restoring order.“ Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are ”protecting it“ against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: ”We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the United States“? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.
Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.
There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.
Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are already within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.
There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the United States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.
The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.
篇2：名人演讲稿英文
We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the worlds peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this:
I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.
II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.
III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.
IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.
VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.
VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.
IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.
X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.
XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.
XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.
In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end.
篇3：名人演讲稿英文
关键词：系统功能语法,人际意义,语态,情态,迈克尔·乔丹名人堂演讲
一、引言
Halliday (1994) 认为, 语言的性质决定人们对语言的要求, 即语言所必须完成的功能。他将语言的功能分为四大功能, “纯理功能”或“元功能”、“经验” (experiential) 功能、语篇 (textual) 功能和“人际” (interpersonal) 功能。人际功能主要是通过语气和情态这两个语义系统来实现。人际意义是由人际功能来实现的, “是一种用来建立和他人之间社会关系的一种方式”Halliday (2004) , 是“人们如何运用语言与受话者建立并保持交际关系, 影响对方的行为, 表达说话者对事物的看法, 引出或改变受话者的观点”Thompson (2000) 。本文从语气和情态等语义系统出发, 分析世界上最伟大的篮球运动员迈克尔·乔丹的名人堂演说, 加深对该语篇的理解, 探讨其体裁特点以及演讲者通过人际意义达到的演讲的目的。
二、语气和情态系统
Thompson (2000) 认为, 语气表达出了说话人对前文说提出的命题有效信负责。语气是信息交流的核心, 是具有某一身份特征的说话者在某一个话语场合的一种选择, 是一种说话者对于听众的身份角色。它有两个最基本的信息交流类型:给予和需求。在交流过程中, 给予就暗示着接收, 即说话者邀请听话者接收;需求也暗示着回馈, 即说话者讲话时也在邀请听众给予。语气包括两个部分, 主语和限定成分。主语一般有名词性词组充当, 而限定成分属于动词词组的一部分。
情态的核心是能体现说话人的态度和判断, 表明说话人对所谈主题的态度和感情。Halliday (2000) 指出, 情态是介于肯定和否定两极间的意义区域。他将情态细分为情态和意态两个主要类型。这样的分类实际是和命题和提议有关, 当一个小句是用来交换信息时, 这被称之为命题;当一个小句用来交换货物或者服务时, 被称之为提议。情态实际上是命题中不同量值的可能性和经常性, 不同的量值表示了说话者的不同态度。而意态则是提议中的不同量值的义务和倾向, 不同的量值表达了说话者的不同程度的意愿。
Halliday (2008) 指出人际意义也蕴含在代词系统中, 既包括人称代词也包括物主代词。代词系统的使用可以创造一个真正的交际环境, 人称代词的使用可以直接的将听众引入到话语情境中来, 直接地激发起听众的情感、知识和兴趣Campos Pardillo (1995) 。
三、迈克尔·乔丹名人堂演讲中的人际意义分析
1.语气分析。语气由主语和限定成分两部分构成, 主语是命题中的重要成分, 是肯定或者否定一个命题的基点, 是对命题或者提议的有效或者成功负责的部分;限定成分的作用是限定命题, 使其成为实际存在的可以议论的概念, 对命题进行议论必须有参考的依据, 功能是将命题和实际中的语境联系起来。根据Halliday (2000:86—87) 的观点, 语言有提供、命令、陈述和疑问四大最基本和重要的功能, 所有这些功能的实现都是通过语气系统的选择来实现的。每一种功能都对应着一个具体的语法特征, 命令由祈使句来实现, 陈述由陈述句来实现, 疑问由各种疑问句来实现, 而提供则由于提供的内容不同而由不同的语气来实现。
从表一得知, 陈述句占据了绝对多数。陈述句式的大量使用为听众提供了大量的关于演说者和与演说场景相关的信息, 可以帮助听众 (即使是一个对演讲者不是非常熟悉的人) 更好的了解演讲者的背景, 进而充分的理解演讲者所要表达的信息。在名人堂进行演说才意味着进入了世界篮球领域的最高殿堂, 在演说中一般都会感谢对自己的篮球生涯有所帮助的人和事情。在本演说中, 迈克尔·乔丹用陈述句介绍了他如何缘于篮球, 他辉煌的篮球球员生涯, 他的人生经历, 他遇到过的挫折, 他曾经遇到过的对手、朋友和教练。通过这些陈述句, 迈克尔·乔丹向听众展示了一个大家公认的也是他自己承认的事实, 那就是他有一颗好胜的心。同时, 演说内容也让每一个听众都觉得他入选名人堂是多么的实至名归。
在演说中, 迈克尔·乔丹用了2个一般疑问句和9个特殊疑问句。Halliday (1994, 2000) 指出, 一般疑问句的使用是演讲者想要听众对他所表达的信息进行一个否定或者肯定的具体化, 特殊疑问句表明了信息的缺席并且通过问题来命令听众对缺席的信息进行填空。在本篇演讲中, 迈克尔·乔丹并没有让听众来对信息进行具体化, 也没有让听众对所缺席的信息进行填空, 而是自己对所有的问题进行了回答。因此, 这些句式能激发起听众的注意并且进行思考, 从而让演说变成是演讲者和听众之间的互动而不是演讲者的独角戏。从某种意义上来说, 这体现了话语的交际本质。
本篇演说中唯一的个祈使句出现在了演讲的末尾。Halliday (2000) 指出, 祈使句是一种交换物品和服务的语气, 常常用来评论、要求、敦促和劝服听众的行为。当演讲者想要把自己的意愿、建议、命令、要求或者观点“强加”给听众时, 直接的“强加”是不会出现的, 往往是通过比较礼貌的, 尤其是暗含的方式来进行。众所周知, 迈克尔·乔丹是一个非常好胜非常喜欢迎接挑战的篮球运动员。他在他演讲的最后说“也许当他50岁时, 他还是会在篮球场上追逐他的梦想”, 听众在听到这句话时发出了笑声, 觉得他可能是在开玩笑。他马上用“Don’t laugh.Never say never.”来告诉所有的人, 不要低估了他那像火一样的斗志, 对于他来说, “某些极限, 比如恐惧, 不过只是一种幻觉而已”, 年龄也不是一个问题。
2.情态分析。人际意义的重要组成部分之一是讲话者对所讲命题的成功性和有效性所作的判断, 或在命令中要求对方承担义务, 或在提议中要表达的个人意愿, 这一部分是由情态系统来实现的。Halliday等人认为, 情态主要是通过情态动词或者情态副词来表达, 情态动词具有不同的量值, 可以表示不同的概率和频率;意态具有不同的中介量值, 可以表示不同程度的义务和意愿。情态动词可以大致分为高、中、低三级, 高量值情态动词表明说话人对于命题所持的态度十分强烈和肯定, 如must, ought to, need, have to等常常体现高量值;中量值的情态动词可以避免把事情绝对化, 是信息更容易为听众所接受, 如will/would, shall/should等常常体现中量值;低量值的情态动词是一种非义务性的看法, 说话者往往是带有协商的意味, 如may/might, can/could等常常体现低量值。
通过分析本篇演说, 在8次高量值情态动词的使用中, 有4词出现在他讲述邀请朋友来参加入选篮球名人堂观礼的情节, 能够受邀观礼入选篮球名人堂的仪式是一件令人十分骄傲和荣幸的事情, 迈克尔·乔丹将邀请这些朋友来参加观礼视为自己的义务和责任, 这无疑是对朋友的支持的最好的表达;有4次出现在回顾为球队的比赛中, 这显示出他作为职业球员的职业道德和操守, 将为球队的贡献作为自己的义务和责任, 从而也表达出因为自己对球队的长期不懈的努力, 最终实现了今日的辉煌。16词中量值情态动词的使用中, 主要集中在will和would两个情感动词上。Will和would作为情态动词是表达出一种意愿和承诺, 说话者将自己置于一个保证某事会发生的承诺人的位置上。它们在本文中或是出现在表示感谢的语句中, 直接的表达出了迈克尔·乔丹的本次演说的目的;或是出现在他回顾与对手和教练交流的语句中, 表达出了迈克尔·乔丹喜欢接受挑战的个性特点。在41次的低量值情态动词的使用中, may只使用了5次, 无一例外的都在表示推测, 其余的都是can/could。作为情态动词, can/could有两种意思, 一是表达一种可能性, 二是表达一种能力。而在本篇演说中, 除了提及球员选秀时的can表示可能性, 其余的can和could都是用来表示能力。文中can和不同的人称和人名搭配, 但是却指向同一个目的, 那就是衬托出演讲者自己的能力的强大, 从对手到队友, 从对方的教练到己方的管理层, 都臣服在其统治性的能力之下。这也体现出了本篇演说的目的, 即回顾过去和感谢, 感谢家人, 感谢教练, 感谢队友, 感谢对手。
3.人称分析。语篇中的代词能够凸显作者对语篇涉及的人物的态度, 是实现人际意义的重要手段。演讲话语的人称代词有助于建立和维持演讲者和听众之间的人际关系。第一人称是语言中最能表达出主观意见的, 单数的“I”和复数的“we”具有不同的人际功能。“we”可以涵盖演讲者和听众双方, 可以只是包含了演讲者和除在场听众以外的其他人。前者可以拉近演讲者和听众之间的距离, 让听众成为演讲的参与者;后者可以划清演讲者、其他人和听众之间的权势关系。第二人称“you”既可以指代个体也可以指代一个团体。一般都是用来指代演讲时的听众, 用以要求听众参与到演讲中来, 将演讲变成演讲者和听众双边的信息交换活动, 而不是演讲者一个人的表演。第三人称一般用来指代演讲时不在场的人或者事物, 用以表达其对演讲者的影响, 所指代的内容可以是在场听众都知道的, 也可能是在场听众不知道的。
这是一篇入选篮球名人堂的演讲, 演讲的主要目的是回顾过去和感谢, 感谢家人, 感谢教练, 感谢队友, 感谢对手。
通过分析发现, 第一人称单数“I”207次, 复数“we”22次;本篇演说中复数第一人称“we”既指迈克尔·乔丹和当场的听众, 也指他与其他不在场的听众。有6次被用来指代他与他的队友, 有2次指代他和他的教练, 有1次指代他和他创造过辉煌的公牛队管理层, 有2次指代他的家人, 还有1次指代他和他的对手。单数第一人称“I”更是大量的使用。这样大量的使用第一人称正好实现了本篇的演讲的目的, 从自身出发讲述了自己的生活以及篮球经历, 发自内心的感谢帮助其成长的每一个人, 不管是对手还是朋友。
第二人称“you”有8次出现在“thank you”中, 17次在“you know”这样的口头表达中, 30次用来指称其家人, 其余的都是用来指称他的对手。本次演说是一篇用于感谢目的的演说, 无论“you”是用来指称在场的听众、家人或者对手, 在这里都是想向被指对象表达出谢意;多次用“you”来表示对手还能够展示出迈克尔·乔丹的好胜好斗天性。迈克尔·乔丹在本篇演说中并没有用考究的词汇, 繁杂的语言结构, 而是使用了很多“you know”这样口头化的衔接词和简单的句式结构, 使得本次演说更像是演讲者和听众之间在进行聊天, 拉近了双方的距离。
迈克尔·乔丹用“she”的时候是在指称他的母亲和他的妹妹;用“he”指代了他服兵役的哥哥, 他的教练, 他的老板, 他的对手;用“it”指代他称之为“fire”的战斗意志;用“they”指代给他“fire”的兄弟姐妹, 公牛的管理层, 他的前辈等等。在这篇演讲中, 迈克尔·乔丹提及家人显然是想要表达出他对家人给予的支持和帮助的感激之情, 提及球队管理层和教练是为了感谢教练对自己的成长所付出的努力和帮助, 提及伟大的前辈和对手是为了反衬自己的强大, 同时也能够把听众带回到那些经典对决和经典时刻的回忆中, 共同感受篮球运动带来的快乐。
四、结论
世界上迄今为止最伟大的篮球运动员迈克尔·乔丹在入选篮球名人堂时所作的演讲只是其运动生涯的一个演讲而已, 但是相较于其他演讲来, 这次演讲却有着非同寻常的意义, 它没有他两次退役演讲时的低沉和伤感, 也没有他六次夺得总冠军时所作演讲的激情与豪迈, 这一次的演讲更显朴实, 更加让人动容。他通过语气、情态和人称等手段体现了其在命题中所关注的对象, 实现了话语的人际意义。研究本篇演讲的人际意义, 有助于更加深刻的理解运动员演讲所蕴含的丰富内涵和要达到的目的, 进而为我们欣赏和理解其他运动员的演讲提供帮助。其实, 当我们回头看我国篮球运动员姚明退役时的演说时, 他的演说和迈克尔·乔丹的这篇演说在人际意义及功能上有着许多相同之处。
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篇4：名人演讲趣闻
抗战期间,中国现代作家林语堂在美国任教。一次,纽约举行书展,他被邀请去向读者演讲。
穿着一身中国式平民服装的林语堂从容地走上讲台,他那地道的英语、幽默的言词、真挚的感情以及所论述问题的深刻内涵,博得了阵阵热烈的掌声。
正在大家兴味浓厚、听得入神的时候,林语堂突然收住,他说:“中国哲人的作风是,有话就说,说完就走。”
言毕,他真的没再有一句客套,站起,挥挥长袖,走了。
“胡说”
胡适在一次对大学生的演講中,引用了孔子、孟子和孙中山等人的一些话。每次引用前,他都要在黑板上写上:“孔说”、“孟说”、“孙说”……
别人的话引用完后要发表自己的见解了,他又在黑板上写下了“胡说”二字。写上这两个字还没等转过身来,会场里便爆出一阵笑声。他自己倒被弄得莫名其妙,问大家:“你们笑什么?”
“快短命”
一次,中国现代小说家、散文家郁达夫应邀去做专题演讲。
他走上讲台,在黑板上写了“快短命”三个大字。台下听众都瞪大了惊愕的眼睛,不知这是什么意思。
郁达夫转过身来,说:“我今天要讲的题目是《文艺创作的基本概念》,黑板上的三个字是要诀。‘快’就是痛快,‘短’就是精简扼要,‘命’就是不要离命题。演讲和作文一样,也不可以说得天花乱坠,离题太远。完了。”
郁达夫从在黑板上写字到演讲结束,总共用了不到两分钟,真可谓之“快短命”。
“训”字新解
科学家竺可桢在浙江大学任校长期间,有一次学校开联欢会,节目单上的第一项,就是“校长训话”。
竺可桢觉得一个乐呵呵的联欢会,一开始就板着面孔“训”一番“话”,不妥;但已经安排了,且印在纸上,不“训”也不妥。于是,他站起来,说:“同学们,‘训’字从言从川,信口开河也!”
大家听了,哄堂大笑,竺可桢向大家摆了摆手,坐下了。联欢会就在这笑声中开始了。
“无齿之徒”
一次,我国建筑学家梁思成在作关于古建筑维修问题的学术报告。他开口的第一句话是:“我是个‘无齿之徒’。”台下的人都听成是“无耻之徒”。
梁思成见大家在诧异地交头接耳,马上又接着说:“我的牙齿没有了,后来在美国装上这副假牙。因为上了年纪,所以不是纯白的,略带点黄,因此看不出是假牙,这叫‘整旧如旧’。我们修理古建筑也是这样,不能换颜一新。”
几句幽默的开场白,引出了严肃的报告主题,实在是妙。
只讲一句话
美国的威尔伯•莱特和奥维尔•莱特兄弟俩是人类航空史上勇敢的开拓者,他们于1903年12月17日成功地驾驶有动力的飞机,飞上了蓝天。
飞行后不久,莱特哥俩前往欧洲旅行。在法国的一次欢迎酒会上,主人再三邀请哥哥演讲。盛情难却,威尔伯只好开口了。他说:“据我们所知,鸟类中会说话的只有鹦鹉,而鹦鹉是飞不高的!”
这一句话的演讲,博得了与会者的交口称赞。
篇5：名人英文演讲稿
Tonight, more than 200 years after a former colony won the right to determine its own destiny, the task of perfecting our union moves forward.
今夜，在当年的殖民地赢得了决定自己命运的权利200多年以后，让美利坚合众国更加完美的任务又向前推进了一步。
It moves forward because of you. It moves forward because you reaffirmed the spirit that has triumphed over war and depression, the spirit that has lifted this country from the depths of despair to the great heights of hope, the belief that while each of us will pursue our own individual dreams, we are an American family and we rise or fall together as one nation and as one people.
这一进程是因为你们而向前推进的，因为你们再次确认了那种使美国胜利克服了战争和萧条的精神，那种使美国摆脱绝望的深渊并走向希望的最高点的精神，以及那种虽然我们每个人都在追求自己的个人梦想、但我们同属一个美国大家庭、并作为一个国家和民族共同进退的信仰。
Tonight, in this election, you, the American people, reminded us that while our road has been hard, while our journey has been long, we have picked ourselves up, we have fought our way back, and we know in our hearts that for the United States of America the best is yet to come.
今夜，在此次选举中，你们这些美国人民提醒我们，虽然我们的道路一直艰难，虽然我们的旅程一直漫长，但我们已经让自己振作起来，我们已经发起反击，我们在自己内心深处知道，对美利坚合众国来说，最美好一切属于未来。
I want to thank every American who participated in this election, whether you voted for the very first time or waited in line for a very long time. By the way, we have to fix that. Whether you pounded the pavement or picked up the phone, whether you held an Obama sign or a Romney sign, you made your voice heard and you made a difference.
我想感谢所有参加此次选举的美国人，无论你是首次参加选举还是为投票曾长时间排队等候。顺便说一句，我们需要解决这些问题。无论你是到投票站投票还是发传真投票，无论你选的是奥巴马还是罗姆尼，你都让别人听到了自己的声音，你都让美国因你而不同。
I just spoke with Gov. Romney and I congratulated him and Paul Ryan on a hard-fought campaign. We may have battled fiercely, but it’s only because we love this country deeply and we care so strongly about its future. From George to Lenore to their son Mitt, the Romney family has chosen to give back to America through public service and that is the legacy that we honor and applaud tonight. In the weeks ahead, I also look forward to sitting down with Gov. Romney to talk about where we can work together to move this country forward.
我要对罗姆尼州长说几句话，我对他和保罗•莱恩在这次竞争激烈的选举中的表现表示祝贺。我们可能争夺得很激烈，但这仅仅是因为我们深爱着这个国家以及我们如此强烈地关心着它的未来。从乔治到勒诺到他们的儿子米特，罗姆尼家族选择了通过公共服务来回报美国，那是一种我们今夜表示敬重和赞许的遗产。我期待着今后几周能与罗姆尼州长坐下来讨论一下我们可以从何处着手一起努力将美国推向前进。
I want to thank my friend and partner of the last four years, America’s happy warrior, the best vice president anybody could ever hope for, Joe Biden.
我想对我在过去四年中的朋友和伙伴表示感谢。他就是美国的快乐战士、无出其右的最佳副总统乔•拜登。
And I wouldn’t be the man I am today without the woman who agreed to marry me 20 years ago. Let me say this publicly: Michelle, I have never loved you more. I have never been prouder to watch the rest of America fall in love with you, too, as our nation’s first lady. Sasha and Malia, before our very eyes you’re growing up to become two strong, smart beautiful young women, just like your mom. And I’m so proud of you guys. But I will say that for now one dog’s probably enough.
如果不是那位前同意嫁给我的女性，我不会成为今天的我。请让我公开说出下面这段话：米切尔，我对你的爱无以复加，我无比骄傲地看到其他美国人也爱上了你这位我们国家的第一夫人。萨沙和玛利亚，在我们所有人的见证下你们正成长为两个坚强、聪明和美丽的年轻女性，就像你们的妈妈一样。我十分以你们为荣。不过我要说的是，眼下家里养一条狗或许已经够了。
To the best campaign team and volunteers in the history of politics. The best. The best ever. Some of you were new this time around, and some of you have been at my side since the very beginning. But all of you are family. No matter what you do or where you go from here, you will carry the memory of the history we made together and you will have the lifelong appreciation of a grateful president. Thank you for believing all the way, through every hill, through every valley. You lifted me up the whole way and I will always be grateful for everything that you’ve done and all the incredible work that you put in.
在这个有史以来的最佳竞选团队和有史以来的最佳志愿者队伍中，你们有些人是这次新加入进来的，有些人则是一开始就在我身边。但你们所有人都属于一个大家庭。无论你的工作是什么，无论你从哪里来，你们都将获得我们共同创造的历史记忆，你们都将被一位充满感激之情的总统终生感激。感谢你们始终充满信心，无论是在高峰还是在低谷。你们鼓舞着我走完整个选举过程，我对你们所做的每件事、你们所做的每项不可思议的工作将一直充满感激。
I know that political campaigns can sometimes seem small, even silly. And that provides plenty of fodder for the cynics that tell us that politics is nothing more than a contest of egos or the domain of special interests. But if you ever get the chance to talk to folks who turned out at our rallies and crowded along a rope line in a high school gym, or saw folks working late in a campaign office in some tiny county far away from home, you’ll discover something else.
我知道政治角力有时会显得小家子气甚至愚蠢。它为愤世嫉俗者提供了足够的口实，他们告诉我们政治不过是自负者之间的竞争，是特殊利益集团的地盘。但如果你曾经有机会与参加我们集会的那些人以及高中体育馆内挤在隔离绳外的那些人攀谈，或者看到那些在远离家乡的偏远小县的竞选办公室内加班工作的人，你会发现一些别的东西。
You’ll hear the determination in the voice of a young field organizer who’s working his way through college and wants to make sure every child has that same opportunity. You’ll hear the pride in the voice of a volunteer who’s going door to door because her brother was finally hired when the local auto plant added another shift. You’ll hear the deep patriotism in the voice of a military spouse who’s working the phones late at night to make sure that no one who fights for this country ever has to fight for a job or a roof over their head when they come home.
你将从一位年轻的活动现场组织者的声音里听到他的决心，他边在大学里学习边从事助选工作，他希望确保每个孩子都能拥有同样的机会。你将从一位志愿者的声音里听到她的骄傲，她挨门动员选民是因为她哥哥终因当地一家汽车制造厂增加了一个班次而有了工作。你将从一对军人夫妇的声音里听到深深的爱国情怀。他们深夜时还在接听选举电话，以确保那些曾经为这个国家作战的人不会返回家园时还要为得到一份工作或栖身之所而苦苦争斗。
That’s why we do this. That’s what politics can be. That’s why elections matter. It’s not small, it’s big. It’s important. Democracy in a nation of 300 million can be noisy and messy and complicated. We have our own opinions. Each of us has deeply held beliefs. And when we go through tough times, when we make big decisions as a country, it necessarily stirs passions, stirs up controversy.
正因为如此，我们要进行选举。这是政治所能够实现的。正因为如此，选举很重要。这不是小事，而是大事，是至关重要的事。在一个有三亿人口的国家实行民主制度可能嘈杂不堪、一团混乱、情况复杂。我们有自己的观点。我们每个人都有自己深信的信仰。当我们经历艰难时期，当我们作为一个国家做出重大决定时，这必然会激发热情，也必然会引发争议。
That won’t change after tonight, and it shouldn’t. These arguments we have are a mark of our liberty. We can never forget that as we speak people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter, the chance to cast their ballots like we did today.
今晚过后，这都不会改变，也不应该改变。我们进行的这些争论恰恰体现了我们的自由。我们永远不应忘记，就在我们讲话之际，遥远国度的人们现在正冒着生命危险，仅仅是为了获得一个能够对重要问题进行争论、像我们今天这样投票的机会。
But despite all our differences, most of us share certain hopes for America’s future. We want our kids to grow up in a country where they have access to the best schools and the best teachers. A country that lives up to its legacy as the global leader in technology and discovery and innovation, with all the good jobs and new businesses that follow.
不过，尽管我们存在这样那样的分歧，我们大多数人都对美国的未来有着某些共同的希望。我们希望我们的孩子成长的国家能够让他们上最好的学校、接受最好老师的教导。一个无愧于全球技术、探索和创新领袖光辉历史的国家，倘能如此，各种好工作和新企业将随之而来。
We want our children to live in an America that isn’t burdened by debt, that isn’t weakened by inequality, that isn’t threatened by the destructive power of a warming planet. We want to pass on a country that’s safe and respected and admired around the world, a nation that is defended by the strongest military on earth and the best troops this – this world has ever known. But also a country that moves with confidence beyond this time of war, to shape a peace that is built on the promise of freedom and dignity for every human being.
我们希望我们的孩子能够生活在一个没有债务之累、没有不公之苦、没有全球变暖带来的破坏之虞的美国。我们希望留给后代一个安全、受到全球尊重和赞赏的国家，一个由全球有史以来最强大的军事力量和最好的部队保卫的国家，一个满怀信心走过战争、在人人享有自由和尊严的承诺之上构建和平的国家。
We believe in a generous America, in a compassionate America, in a tolerant America, open to the dreams of an immigrant’s daughter who studies in our schools and pledges to our flag. To the young boy on the south side of Chicago who sees a life beyond the nearest street corner. To the furniture worker’s child in North Carolina who wants to become a doctor or a scientist, an engineer or an entrepreneur, a diplomat or even a president – that’s the future we hope for. That’s the vision we share. That’s where we need to go – forward. That’s where we need to go.
篇6：英文名人演讲励志短文
在二十一世纪的曙光来临之际，一个自由的民族现在必须做出选择，去打造信息时代和全球一体化的力量，去释放全民无尽的潜能，并且，去成就一个更完美的联邦国家。
When last we gathered, our march to this new future seemed less certain than it does today. We vowed then to set a clear course to renew our nation.
上次我们在此相聚时，我们向这个新未来的进军似乎没有今天这么明确，我们那时曾宣誓确立新的.道路，复兴我们的国家。
In these four years, we have been touched by tragedy, exhilarated by challenge, strengthened by achievement. America stands alone as the world s in dispensable nation. Once again, our economy is the strongest on Earth. Once again, we are building stronger families, thriving communities, better educational opportunities, a cleaner environment. Problems that once seemed destined to deepen now bend to our efforts: our streets are safer and record numbers of our fellow citizens have moved from welfare to work.
在这四年中，悲剧使我们动容，挑战使我们兴奋，成就使我们强大。美国作为世界不可缺少的国家巍然挺立。再一次，我们的经济是世界上最强大的；再一次，我们建设着更牢固的家庭，繁荣的社区，更好的教育机会，更清洁的环境。曾经似乎注定要恶化的问题现在也屈服于我们的努力：我们的街道更安全，参加工作不再领取社会福利的公民人数比任何时候都多。
And once again, we have resolved for our time a great debate over the role of government. Today we can declare: Government is not the problem, and government is not the solution.