2011韩素英翻译大赛全文翻译

2024-08-18

2011韩素英翻译大赛全文翻译(共6篇)

篇1:2011韩素英翻译大赛全文翻译

“美利坚,你的路在何方?” 半个世纪前,“垮掉的一代”的代表作家杰克•凯鲁雅克就曾发出这样的疑问,现在这个问题成为困扰世界经济的最大不确定性因素,同时也反应了美国选民最大的担忧,11月2日国会中期选举在即,而美国10%的失业率还是居高不下。人们要有所准备,前路漫漫,充满坎坷。

The most wrenching recession since the 1930s ended a year ago.But the recovery—none too powerful to begin with—slowed sharply earlier this year.GDP grew by a feeble 1.6% at an annual pace in the second quarter, and seems to have been stuck somewhere similar since.The housing market slumped after temporary tax incentives to buy a home expired.So few private jobs were being created that unemployment looked likelier to rise than fall.Fears grew over the summer that if this deceleration continued, America’s economy would slip back into recession.自上世纪30年代以来最严重的经济衰退在一年前结束。但是复苏的起步步伐不够强劲,并且势头在今年早些时候突然放缓。GDP在第二季度的年增长速度只有区区1.6%,并且自那以后就再无起色。政府对购买过期未还贷的住房给予短期的税收鼓励政策,但是之后房地长市场行情一路下跌。私营领域几乎没有创造出新的工作岗位,失业率有明显上升趋势。整个夏天人们都在担心,如果复苏继续放缓,美国经济可能再次滑向衰退的深渊。

Fortunately, those worries now seem exaggerated.Part of the weakness of second-quarter GDP was probably because of a temporary surge in imports from China.The latest statistics, from reasonably good retail sales in August to falling claims for unemployment benefits, point to an economy that, though still weak, is not slumping further.And history suggests that although nascent recoveries often wobble for a quarter or two, they rarely relapse into recession.For now, it is most likely that America’s economy will crawl along with growth at perhaps 2.5%: above stall speed, but far too slow to make much difference to the jobless rate(see article).幸运的是,现在看来这些担心似乎被夸大。第二季度GDP疲软的部分原因可能是因为从中国的进口暂时性上涨。从八月份相当好的销售业绩到失业津贴的需求下降,最新的统计数据无不显示,经济虽然仍旧疲软,但是已经止住了下滑的趋势。而历史告诉我们,虽然复苏初期的脚步虽然会在一或两个季度内摇摆不稳,但是很少会再次步入衰退。对于现在而言,最大的可能是美国经济会以大约2.5%的增长速度缓慢爬行,但是这一速度太过缓慢,无法大幅改变失业率。

Why, given that America usually rebounds from recession, are the prospects so bleak? Because most past recessions have been caused by tight monetary policy.When policy is loosened, demand rebounds.This recession was the result of a financial crisis.Recoveries after financial crises are normally weak and slow as banking systems are repaired and balance-sheets rebuilt.Typically, this period of debt reduction lasts around seven years, which means America would emerge from it in 2014.By some measures, households are reducing their debt burdens unusually fast, but even optimistic seers do not think the process is much more than half over.如果说美国经济通常在衰退后会有反弹,那么为什么此次复苏的前景如此暗淡?原因是之前发生的衰退大多数是由紧缩的货币政策造成的。当政策放松,经济就会反弹。衰退是金融危机造成的结果。经济危机后的复苏通常疲软缓慢,因为银行系统需要修复,资产负债表需要重建。通常,债务减持会持续7个月左右,这就意味着美国在2014年才能从中抽身。美国家庭正在通过一些手段以超常的速度减少债务负担,但是即使是最乐观的估计也认为债务减持的过程才刚刚过半。

Battling on the bus

前行路上的较量

America’s biggest problem is that its politicians have yet to acknowledge that the economy is in for such a long, slow haul, let alone prepare for the consequences.A few brave officials are beginning to sound warnings that the jobless rate is likely to “stay high”.But the political debate is more about assigning blame for the recession than about suggesting imaginative ways to give more oomph to the recovery.美国的最大问题是,政治家仍然不得不承认美国经济注定要经受如此漫长的拉锯战,更不必说为随后的结果做准备了。少数勇敢的官员开始敲响警钟,失业率很可能会“居高不下”。但是政治辩论关注更多的是谁来承担衰退的责任,而不是提出有想象力的办法来给复苏提供更多的动力。

Republicans argue that Barack Obama’s shift towards “big government” explains the

economy’s weakness, and that high unemployment is proof that fiscal stimulus was a bad idea.In fact, most of the growth in government to date has been temporary and unavoidable;the longer-run growth in government is more modest, and reflects the policies of both Mr Obama and his predecessor(see article).And the notion that high joblessness “proves” that stimulus failed is simply wrong.The mechanics of a financial bust suggest that without a fiscal boost the recession would have been much worse.共和党人认为巴拉克•奥巴马转而走向“大政府”解释了为什么经济会疲软,而高失业率证明经济刺激是个坏主意。事实上,迄今为止,大多数政府规模的扩大都是暂时性的和不可避免的;长远的政府规模扩大要更加适度,并且能够反应奥巴马和他前任的政策。而简单地说高失业率证明经济刺激失败的说法是错误的。而根据经济萧条的规律,如果没有财政刺激,经济衰退的情况会比现在更糟。

Democrats have their own class-warfare version of the blame game, in which Wall

Street’s excesses caused the problem and higher taxes on high-earners are part of the solution.That is why Mr Obama’s legislative priority before the mid-terms is to ensure that the Bush tax cuts expire at the end of this year for households earning more than $250,000 but are extended for everyone else.民主党人对于谁是谁非有自己的一套评判标准,他们认为是华尔街的胡作非为才导致了今天的问题,而向高收入者征收更高的税赋是解决方案的一部分。这就是为什么奥巴马在中期选举前在立法上要优先确保将布什政府制定的减税政策的受益范围扩大到其他每个人,布什政府的减税政策原先受益的只是收入超过25万美元的家庭,该政策在年底到期。

This takes an unnecessary risk with the short-term recovery.America’s experience in 1937 and Japan’s in 1997 are powerful evidence that ill-timed tax rises can tip weak economies back into recession.Higher taxes at the top, along with the waning of fiscal stimulus and belt-tightening by the states, will make a weak growth rate weaker still.Less noticed is that Mr Obama’s fiscal plan will also worsen the medium-term budget mess, by making tax cuts for the middle class permanent.这种做法对于短期的复苏来说是一个不必要的风险。美国1937年和日本1997年的经验有力地证明了不合时宜的增加税收可能使疲软的经济重蹈衰退的覆辙。更高的税赋加上减弱的财政刺激和政府的紧缩政策将使本已疲软的经济更加无力增长。很少有人注意到,奥巴马针对中产阶级的永久性减税的财政计划还将使中期的预算更加糟糕。

Ways to overhaul the engine

如何检修经济发动机

In an ideal world America would commit itself now to the medium-term tax reforms and spending cuts needed to get a grip on the budget, while leaving room to keep fiscal policy loose for the moment.But in febrile, partisan Washington that is a pipe-dream.Today’s goals can only be more modest: to nurture the weak economy, minimise uncertainty and prepare the ground for

tomorrow’s fiscal debate.To that end, Congress ought to extend all the Bush tax cuts until 2013.Then they should all expire—prompting a serious fiscal overhaul, at a time when the economy is stronger.在理想状态下,美国现在会承诺在中期进行税收改革,并且减少开支以控制预算,同时留有空间保持宽松的财政政策。但是这只是盲目的华盛顿头脑发热的空想罢了。现在的目只有更加保守:给虚弱的经济补充营养,最大程度减小不确定性,并且准备好明天财政辩论的依据。为此,国会应该将所有的布什减税政策延期到2013年。然后当所有的减税政策到期---在经济情况好转时进行认真的财政大检查。

A broader set of policies could help to work off the hangover faster.One priority is to encourage more write-downs of mortgage debt.Almost a quarter of all Americans with mortgages owe more than their houses are worth.Until that changes the vicious cycle of rising foreclosures and falling prices will continue.There are plenty of ideas on offer, from changing the bankruptcy law so that judges can restructure mortgage debt to empowering special trustees to write down loans.They all have drawbacks, but a fetid pool of underwater mortgages will, much like Japan’s loans to zombie firms, corrode the financial system and harm the recovery.一套更广泛的政策可以更快地帮助解决这种头重脚轻的局面。应该优先考虑鼓励更多的抵押债务进行资产减值。几乎四分之一担负抵押贷款债务的美国人拥有比他们的房屋价值更高的财产。在资产减值改变取消抵押品赎回权案例不断上升的恶性循环之前,房产价格会继续下跌。有很多方案可供选择,可以更改破产法让法官重组抵押债务,也可以授权特别委托人减低贷款账面价值,等等。这些方案都有缺点,但是与日本给僵死的公司提供的贷款的作法极其相似,放任抵押贷款泡在一潭腐臭的死水里会腐蚀金融系统,对经济复苏产生危害。

Cleaning up the housing market would help cut America’s unemployment rate, by making it easier for people to move to where jobs are.But more must be done to stop high joblessness becoming entrenched.Payroll-tax cuts and credits to reduce the cost of hiring would help.(The health-care reform, alas, does the opposite, at least for small businesses.)Politicians will also have to think harder about training schemes, because some workers lack the skills that new jobs require.清理房地产市场可以让人们更容易搬到有工作的地方去,从而有助于削减美国的失业率。但是还需要做更多的工作来打破失业率居高不下的态势。削减工资税和降低雇佣成本可以起到作用。(医疗改革起的作用正好相反,至少对于小企业是如此。)政治家还要想更多的办法提供就业培训,因为一些工人缺少信工作所需要的劳动技能。

Americans are used to great distances.The sooner they, and their politicians, accept that the road to recovery will be a long one, the faster they will get there.美国人民习惯于长途跋涉。美国人民和美国的政治家越早承认复苏是一条漫长的道路,他们就会越快到达目的地

篇2:2011韩素英翻译大赛全文翻译

We tend to view architecture as permanent, as aspiring to the status of monuments.And that kind of architecture has its place.But so does architecture of a different sort.For most of the first decade of the 2000s, architecture was about the statement building.Whether it was a controversial memorial or an impossibly luxurious condo tower, architecture’s raison d’être was to make a lasting impression.Architecture has always been synonymous with permanence, but should it be? In the last few years, the opposite may be true.Architectural billings are at an all-time low.Major commissions are few and far between.The architecture that’s been making news is fast and fleeting: pop-up shops, food carts, marketplaces, performance spaces.And while many manifestations of the genre have jumped the shark(i.e., a Toys R Us pop-up shop), there is undeniable opportunity in the temporary: it is an apt response to a civilization in flux.And like many prevailing trends — collaborative consumption(a.k.a., “sharing”), community gardens, barter and trade — “temporary” is so retro that it’s become radical.In November, I had the pleasure of moderating Motopia, a panel at University of Southern California’s School of Architecture, with Robert Kronenburg, an architect, professor at University of Liverpool and portable/temporary/mobile guru.Author of a shelf full of books on the topic, including “Flexible: Architecture that Responds to Change,” “Portable Architecture: Design and Technology” and “Houses in Motion: The Genesis,” Kronenburg is a man obsessed.Mobility has an innate potency, Kronenburg believes.Movable environments are more dynamic than static ones, so why should architecture be so static? The idea that perhaps all buildings shouldn’t aspire to permanence represents a huge shift for architecture.Without that burden, architects, designers, builders and developers can take advantage of and implement current technologies faster.Architecture could be reusable, recyclable and sustainable.Recast in this way, it could better solve seemingly unsolvable problems.And still succeed in creating a sense of place.In his presentation, Kronenburg offered examples of how portable, temporary architecture has been used in every aspect of human activity, including health care(from Florence Nightingale’s redesigned hospitals to the Airstream trailers used as mobile medical clinics during the Kennedy Administration), housing(from yurts to tents to architect Shigeru Ban’s post-earthquake paper houses), culture and commerce(stage sets and Great Exhibition buildings, centuries-old Bouqinistes along the Seine, mobile food, art and music venues offering everything from the recording of stories to tasty crème brulees.)Kronenburg made a compelling argument that the experimentation inherent in such structures challenges preconceived notions about what buildings can and should be.The strategy of temporality, he explained, “adapts to unpredictable demands, provides more for less, and encourages innovation.” And he stressed that it’s time for end-users, designers, architects, manufacturers and construction firms to rethink their attitude toward temporary, portable and mobile architecture.This is as true for development and city planning as it is for architecture.City-making may have happened all at once at the desks of master planners like Daniel Burnham or Robert Moses, but that’s really not the way things happen today.No single master plan can anticipate the evolving and varied needs of an increasingly diverse population or achieve the resiliency, responsiveness and flexibility that shorter-term, experimental endeavors can.Which is not to say long-term planning doesn’t have its place.The two work well hand in hand.Mike Lydon, founding principal of The Street Plans Collaborative, argues for injecting spontaneity into urban development, and sees these temporary interventions(what he calls “tactical urbanism”)as short-term actions to effect long-term change.Though there’s been tremendous media attention given to quick and cheap projects like San Francisco’s Pavement to Parks and New York’s “gutter cafes,” Lydon sees something bigger than fodder for the style section.“A lot of these things were not just fun and cool,” he says.“It was not just a bottom-up effort.It’s not D.I.Y.urbanism.It’s a continuum of ideas, techniques and tactics being employed at all different scales.”

“We’re seeing a lot of these things emerge for three reasons,” Lydon continues.“One, the economy.People have to be more creative about getting things done.Two, the Internet.Even four or five years ago we couldn’t share tactics and techniques via YouTube or Facebook.Something can happen randomly in Dallas and now we can hear about it right away.This is feeding into this idea of growth, of bi-coastal competition between New York and San Francisco, say, about who does the cooler, better things.And three, demographic shifts.Urban neighborhoods are gentrifying, changing.They’re bringing in people looking to improve neighborhoods themselves.People are smart and engaged and working a 40-hour week.But they have enough spare time to get involved and this seems like a natural step.”

Lydon isn’t advocating an end to planning but encourages more short-term doing, experimenting, testing(which can be a far more satisfying alternative to waiting for projects to pass).While this may not directly change existing codes or zoning regulations, that’s O.K.because, as Lydon explains, the practices employed “shine a direct light on old ways of thinking, old policies that are in place.”

The Dallas group Build a Better Block — which quickly leapt from a tiny grass-roots collective to an active partner in city endeavors — has demonstrated that when you expose weaknesses, change happens.If their temporary interventions violate existing codes, Build a Better Block just paints a sign informing passers-by of that fact.They have altered regulations in this fashion.Sometimes — not always — bureaucracy gets out of the way and allows for real change to happen.Testing things out can also help developers chart the right course for their projects.Says Lydon, “A developer can really learn what’s working in the neighborhood from a marketplace perspective — it could really inform or change their plans.Hopefully they can ingratiate themselves with the neighborhood and build community.There is real potential if the developers are really looking to do that.”

And they are.Brooklyn’s De Kalb Market, for example, was supposed to be in place for just three years, but became a neighborhood center where there hadn’t been much of one before.“People gravitated towards it,” says Lydon.“People like going there.You run the risk of people lamenting the loss of that.The developer would be smart to integrate things like the community garden — [giving residents an] opportunity to keep growing food on the site.The radio station could get a permanent space.The beer garden could be kept.”

San Francisco’s PROXY project is similar.Retail, restaurants and cultural spaces housed within an artful configuration of shipping containers, designed by Envelope Architecture and Design, were given a five-year temporary home on government-owned vacant lots in the city’s HayesValley neighborhood while developers opted to sit tight during the recession.Affordable housing is promised for the site;the developers will now be able to create it in a neighborhood that has become increasingly vibrant and pedestrian-friendly.On an even larger scale, the major developer Forest City has been testing these ideas of trial and error in the 5M Project in downtown San Francisco.While waiting out the downturn, the folks behind 5M have been beta-testing tenants and uses at their 5th & Mission location, which was(and still is)home to the San Francisco Chronicle and now also to organizations like TechShop, the co-working space HubSoma, the art gallery Intersection for the Arts, the tech company Square and a smattering of food carts to feed those hungry, hardworking tenants.A few years earlier, Forest City would have been more likely to throw up an office tower with some luxury condos on top and call it a day: according to a company vice president, Alexa Arena, the recession allowed Forest City to spend time “re-imagining places for our emerging economy and what kind of environment helps facilitate that.”

In “The Interventionist’s Toolkit,” the critic Mimi Zeiger wrote that the real success for D.I.Y.urbanist interventions won’t be based on any one project but will “happen when we can evaluate the movement based on outreach, economic impact, community empowerment, entrepreneurship, sustainability and design.We’re not quite there yet.”

She’s right.And one doesn’t have to search for examples of temporary projects that not only failed but did so catastrophically(see: Hurricane Katrina trailers, for example).A huge reason for tactical urbanism’s appeal relates to politics.As one practitioner put it, “We’re doing these things to combat the slowness of government.”

But all of this is more than a response to bureaucracy;at its best it’s a bold expression of unfettered thinking and creativity … and there’s certainly not enough of that going around these days.An embrace of the temporary and tactical may not be perfect, but it could be one of the strongest tools in the arsenal of city-building we’ve got.汉译英:

语言与社会身份

一个人的语言与其在社会中的身份其实密不可分。记得我在澳大利亚生活时,一位邻居要竞选议员,他便每天早上起来练习发音,以令自己的讲话让人听起来悦耳、有身份。的确,语言是一个人社会身份的标志,特别是在多民族、多元文化的社会里。所谓“身份”,也是一种知识结构,表明你来自那个社会群体的文化背景、知识程度甚至地理位置等。

语言会影响对于相应文化的认知。例如,有人调查发现,对于讲双语的中国人,在用中文问到其关于文化观念等问题时,他们的回答显然比用英文问他们此类问题时显示出更多的中国人的做派。有意思的是,当讲广东话的港澳人被用普通话问到关于中国的文化、信仰等问题时,他们的回答往往比听到用广东话问到此类问题时的回答更接近西方人的表达方式。

其实,对于学习外语的华人来讲,大部分的还不是真正意义上的所谓“双语人”,而是“双语使用者”;后者是在语言与表达层次,而前者则是思维与生活习性。但是,这个过程并不是静止的,而是可以转换的。

所以,语言学习者所学习的实际上是一种社会关系,一种他所理解的跨越时空所形成的关系。因而,他所面对的不仅仅是语言学的,而更是多重、变换着的社会身份问题。

研究还表明,一个人的讲话风格并非是固定不变的,而是随着社会环境和讲话对象而变化的。一般来讲,个人讲话有一种趋同的倾向(即随大流),但有时也会有趋异倾向(即显示自己的特征)。譬如,我回到北京时,我的“北京腔”自觉就浓了很多;而我的英国朋友在澳大利亚时,其“英国腔”保持得更为明显,不知是否有意显出其身份。人们在适应异国文化的过程中,对于自己母语的态度,也会有积极或消极两种选择。有的人,在积极投入其他主流文化的同时,有意消弱自己的母语能力;有的人,反而更加强、突出了这方面,认为是一种优势。

一般来讲,若某一社会群体所讲、所用的语言是为社会所尊敬的那一种(如在英国,以女王为代表的贵族所讲的语言),会有更高的社会优越感,而其成员也会有意显示出与众不同,以保持其正面的群体特性。当然,也难免会有他人向这一群体的讲话方式靠拢。

一个人的语言,还可成为他人对其进行评判的对象。据研究,可以从中判断出其社会地位、教育程度、善良与否、智力、能力甚至财富等。

篇3:浅析中韩新闻翻译

汉语是无形态语言, 主要靠语序和虚词来表达各种语法关系。汉语不习惯使用长定语, 一般定语比较短, 句子短小精悍, 简单明了。新闻报道的句子以正确、明了、和简洁为原则。但韩国的新闻报道句子并不简洁, 据调查, 韩国新闻报道的句子平均字数为62.3字 (朴甲沫, 1971) , 超过70字的长句子也大大存在, 这给新闻报道的理解造成了巨大的障碍。韩国新闻报道句子的标准长度应该在50字左右 (朴甲沫, 1985) , 这样才能增加句子的可读性, 便于读者理解。

韩语新闻报道的句子长度与其句子的结构有着不可分割的关系。韩语新闻报道段落短小, 基本上一句一段。其句子结构多采用“扩展的简单句”和复句结构。因为有时新闻记者为了在一个句子内写进较多的新闻事实, 给读者提供更多的信息, 不得不打破单句结构, 或采用合并句子的方法, 将原来两句或两句以上句子才能表达的事实压缩在一个句子中。

二、句子的衔接与整合

基于以上对汉语新闻和韩国语新闻语言特点的分析, 汉韩翻译中应当十分注重汉语中句子与句子之间的关系, 做到合理、适当的衔接, 使得译成语更符合韩国语表达习惯。例子如下。

原文:在韩国, 2011年12月, 大邱市的一名中学生因不堪忍受校园暴力而自杀, 举国震惊。

译文1:

译文2 :

解析:原文中中学生自杀的事件导致了举国震惊, 是轻微的因果、顺承关系, 所以应该用어/아/여连接两个分句。译文2翻译成了两个句子, 读起来多少显得赘述, 不简洁。降低了新闻句子的可读性。

原文:在韩国, 绝大多数民众会去购买本土品牌, 除了保守、爱国等因素外, 本土品牌灵活的购车政策也起了很大作用。

译文1 :

译文2 :

解析:原文意思是在韩国绝大多数民众会去购买本土品牌 (的原因) , 除了保守、爱国等因素外, 本土品牌灵活的购车政策 (这一因素) 也起了很大作用。汉语语言简洁, 存在很多省略现象, 在翻译成韩语时, 应该十分重视省略成分, 从省略成分中找出汉语上下句之间的连接点, 适当进行补充与整合进行翻译, 可以达到预想不到的效果。

三、结语

汉韩新闻语言的特点的不同极大程度上决定了译者翻译实践中的方法与技巧。新闻报道注重交际性、传递信息量以及可读性。这就要求译者充分把握新闻报道文章中句子与句子之前的关系以及链接点。在充分理解、融会其逻辑关系的基础上, 适当进加词汇与语法的添加与删减, 对句子进行整合与重组。使得译入语更加符合新闻报道表达习惯, 增加文章的可读性。

参考文献

[1]曹志颖.基于“目的论”的软新闻翻译研究.

[2]韩国语新闻报道翻译小议[D].中央民族大学.

[3]目的论指导下《卫报》中软新闻的汉译.

[4]中国传统思维方式与中韩语言转换——以整体思维为中心.

篇4:浅析中韩新闻翻译

【关键词】新闻翻译 汉韩翻译

【Abstract】News translation covers various fields with rich contents and involves dozens of terminologies. Thus,the rendering can be tough sometimes. It is of paramount importance to come to grips with its characteristics and features in understanding and translation. Besides,the translator should get the know-how of the strategies and theories,which contributes to improving the efficiency as well as the quality of the translation work. The author analyzes the traits of news coverage in China and South Korea to find out some common rules in translating news. These rules will in turn serve as the golden rules in Chinese-Korean news translation.

【Key words】News Translation;Chinese-Korean Translation

一、汉韩新闻语言特点

汉语是无形态语言,主要靠语序和虚词来表达各种语法关系。汉语不习惯使用长定语,一般定语比较短,句子短小精悍,简单明了。新闻报道的句子以正确、明了、和简洁为原则。但韩国的新闻报道句子并不简洁,据调查,韩国新闻报道的句子平均字数为62.3字(朴甲沫,1971),超过70字的长句子也大大存在,这给新闻报道的理解造成了巨大的障碍。韩国新闻报道句子的标准长度应该在50字左右(朴甲沫,1985),这样才能增加句子的可读性,便于读者理解。

韩语新闻报道的句子长度与其句子的结构有着不可分割的关系。韩语新闻报道段落短小,基本上一句一段。其句子结构多采用“扩展的简单句”和复句结构。因为有时新闻记者为了在一个句子内写进较多的新闻事实,给读者提供更多的信息,不得不打破单句结构,或采用合并句子的方法,将原来两句或两句以上句子才能表达的事实压缩在一个句子中。

二、句子的衔接与整合

基于以上对汉语新闻和韩国语新闻语言特点的分析,汉韩翻译中应当十分注重汉语中句子与句子之间的关系,做到合理、适当的衔接,使得译成语更符合韩国语表达习惯。例子如下。

原文:在韩国,2011年12月,大邱市的一名中学生因不堪忍受校园暴力而自杀,举国震惊。

译文1:2011?12? ???? ? ???? ????? ??? ??? ??? ??? ??? ????.

译文2 : 2011?12? ?? ???? ? ???? ????? ???? ??/??? ?? ????.?? ?????? ???.(×)

解析:原文中中学生自杀的事件导致了举国震惊,是轻微的因果、顺承关系,所以应该用?/?/?连接两个分句。译文2翻译成了两个句子,读起来多少显得赘述,不简洁。降低了新闻句子的可读性。

原文:在韩国,绝大多数民众会去购买本土品牌,除了保守、爱国等因素外,本土品牌灵活的购车政策也起了很大作用。

译文1:??? ?? ??? ???? ???? ???? ???,?????? ?? ???? ??? ????? ? ?? ??.

译文2:???? ?? ?? ???? ???? ????. ?? ? ?? ? ??? ??? ?? ???? ??? ??? ? ??? ??.

解析:原文意思是在韩国绝大多数民众会去购买本土品牌(的原因),除了保守、爱国等因素外,本土品牌灵活的购车政策(这一因素)也起了很大作用。汉语语言简洁,存在很多省略现象,在翻译成韩语时,应该十分重视省略成分,从省略成分中找出汉语上下句之间的连接点,适当进行补充与整合进行翻译,可以达到预想不到的效果。

三、结语

汉韩新闻语言的特点的不同极大程度上决定了译者翻译实践中的方法与技巧。新闻报道注重交际性、传递信息量以及可读性。这就要求译者充分把握新闻报道文章中句子与句子之前的关系以及链接点。在充分理解、融会其逻辑关系的基础上,适当进加词汇与语法的添加与删减,对句子进行整合与重组。使得译入语更加符合新闻报道表达习惯,增加文章的可读性。

参考文献:

[1]曹志颖.基于“目的论”的软新闻翻译研究 .

[2]韩国语新闻报道翻译小议[D].中央民族大学 .

[3]目的论指导下《卫报》中软新闻的汉译.

[4]中国传统思维方式与中韩语言转换——以整体思维为中心.

篇5:23届韩素音翻译大赛英译汉译文

美国经济复苏的进程会比以往任何经济萧条之后都慢很多,但政府或许能帮上一点小忙。

“尔欲何往,美利坚?”半个世纪前,“垮掉的一代”的代表杰克·凯鲁亚克提出的这个问题,是悬在世界经济头上的最大的不定性因素。而且,它反映了美国选民们最大的担忧,他们要顶着全国失业率卡在一成,而且居高不下的严峻形势,去参加11月2号举行的国会中期选举。他们要为打持久战、攻坚战做好准备。

1930年以来最棘手的经济萧条终于在一年前结束了。但复苏的进程在起步阶段并不强劲,而且在今年年初突然变缓。第二季度的GDP(国民生产总值)年增长速度只有可怜的1.6%,而且自那之后,就一直萎靡不振。从短期的税收鼓励购房政策到期后,房产市场就一泻千里。所以,我们在私营方面几乎没有创造什么工作岗位,失业率不降反升。整个夏天充斥着恐慌,因为如果复苏的速度持续走低,美国经济又会重新陷入萧条的困境。

幸运的是,现在这种担忧似乎被夸大了。第二季度GDP疲软的部分原因也许是从中国进口的暂时激增。从八月可喜的零售业绩,到对失业补贴的需求持续减少,最新的数据都表明,尽管现在经济仍然很疲软,但不会再继续下跌了。而历史证实,就算最初的经济复苏在一两个季度内会有摇摆,经济萧条却很少会故态复萌。就现在来说,最有可能发生的是美国经济会在大约2.5个百分比的速度下缓慢增长:虽然比没有速度强,但也慢得难以给失业率带来什么明显的改善。

为什么通常美国经济都会在萧条后反弹,但这次的前景却一片黯淡呢?这是因为过去大多数的经济萧条都是紧缩的货币政策造成的,政策放宽了,需求也就反弹了。但这次经济萧条是金融危机造成的。而通常发生金融危机之后,从萧条中的复苏都是疲软和缓慢的,原因是银行系统需要修复,资产负债表需要重建。一般来说,债务减持的过程要持续七年左右,这意味着美国要在2014年才能从中抽身。一些家庭通过一些手段以非同寻常的速度减少债务负担,但就算是最乐观的估计,漫漫长征路也才刚刚走过一半。

前途之争

美国最大的问题是,政客们还是必须得承认,美国经济免不了要打一场漫长的拉锯战,更不用说为之后的结果做准备了。偶有勇敢的官员敲响警钟,说失业率要“维持在较高水平”。但政治上的争论更多的是经济萧条该归咎于谁,而不是提出一些有想象力的方法去给复苏增添点活力。

共和党人说巴拉克·奥巴马的“大政府”倾向解释了经济萎靡的原因,而高失业率证明了财政刺激不是个好主意。实际上,政府的“壮大”到今天为止,大部分都是暂时性的和不可避免的;长期一些的政府“壮大”进程要更合适些,也更能反映奥巴马和他前任的政策。而且,高失业率证明经济刺激失败的观点大错特错。经济萧条的规律告诉我们,如果没有财政刺激,萧条会更加严重。

民主党人在孰是孰非上有他们自己的评判标准,他们认为是华尔街的妄为造成了这个问题,并且对高收入者征收更高额的税款是解决方案的一部分。这就是奥巴马在中期选举前通过立法,优先确保让布什制订的减税政策的受益者扩展到所有人的原因,而这个政策原本是为收入超过25万美元的家庭制定的,并且今年年底即将到期。

这种做法给短期复苏带来了不必要的风险。美国在1937年和日本在1997年的经历,有力地证明了不合时机的增税会让本就虚弱的经济重回萧条。更高的税收,与财政刺激的逐渐减少和国家的经济紧缩政策,会令本就疲软的增长率更加无力。更少有人发觉,奥巴马给中产阶级永久减税的财政计划也会令中期预算的烂摊子更烂。工欲善其事,必先利其器

在理想状况下,现在美国将致力于中期税收改革,削减开支以控制预算,同时为保证宽松的财政政策留出空间。但这只是盲目的华盛顿支持者们脑袋一热,空想出来的。如今的目标只能是更平稳的:给虚弱的经济补充营养,把不确定性降到最低,还有准备好未来财政辩论的材料。为此,国会应当将布什的减税政策延期至2013年。然后在所有的政策到期,经济稳固了之后,进行一次严厉的财政清查。

一套更宽泛的政策可以帮助我们更快地解决这种头重脚轻的问题。应当优先考虑鼓励更多的抵押债务来进行资产减值。差不多四分之一的美国人要还的抵押贷款比他们的房子价值还高。在这种情况改变之前,取消抵押赎回权案例增长和房产价格下跌的恶性循环会持续下去。我们有多种意见可供选择,从修改破产法让法官重组抵押债务,到授权特别委托人改低贷款账目数值。这些方案都有其缺点,但是,与日本给僵尸公司提供的贷款极其相似,泡在一池臭水里的抵押贷款,会腐蚀金融系统,并危害经济复苏。

清理房产市场可以通过让人们更容易地移居到有工作的地方,来辅助降低美国的失业率。但是我们还需要做到更多来打破失业率居高不下的僵局。削减工资税和利用信贷来降低雇佣成本会起到一点作用。(很遗憾,医疗改革的作用正相反,至少对于小企业是这样。)政客们还要绞尽脑汁,更多地考虑就业培训的问题,因为一些工人缺少新工作所需要的专业技能。

篇6:《一座城池》韩译本翻译批评

关键词:《一座城池》;韩译本;误译

[中图分类号]:H315.9 [文献标识码]:A

[文章编号]:1002-2139(2016)-15--02

1. 引言

译者朴明爱(???)是韩国当代的小说家、学者和翻译家。先后毕业于韩国檀国大学和中国上海华东师范大学,并获文学硕士、博士学位。她的翻译作品,中译韩有莫言的长篇小说《酒国》《檀香刑》《丰乳肥臀》等多部;韩译中有《木槿花的诱惑》《一个无政府主义者的爱情》《蝉》《分身人》《少女的肖像》《荆棘冠冕的画像》等多部。2009年,朴明爱翻译了中国人气青年作家韩寒的《一座城池》。《一座城池》是中国最具影响力的80后作家韩寒的经典作品。首印数就高达50万册,曾以被200万元买断的“天价”,引起了出版社的波澜。作品描写的是主人公“我”和“健叔”、“王超”等一群不羁青年离开大学生活去另一座城市里离奇的经历。《一座城池》该书文字上延续了韩寒一贯的“黑色幽默”。韩寒自己也曾表示,这部作品在故事情节上极为薄弱,但其文字、文笔却让自己颇为得意:“故事是次要的,我觉得文字功夫应该排在第一位。”《一座城池》靠语言取胜的特点对翻译提出了更大的挑战,而朴明爱(???)的译本《????》是在韩出版的唯一版本。本文笔者以对韩寒原著《一座城池》的深刻理解为背景,将朴明爱的译本做为研究对象,主要通过具体译例分析译者在对原著主要成分、语言风格、语言结构知识的处理上的欠妥之处和误译情况。

2.整体把握不深:原著主要成分处理不当

首先是对作品题目的处理。“一座城池”被翻译成“????(莲花都市)”,译者借用了一座城池的英文翻译“an ideal city(理想城市)”。译者想用莲花出淤泥而不染,至清至纯的特点来表示一种理想的境界。译者显然把这座城池理解成了这些疯狂怪诞的青年人的乌托邦王国。钱钟书的《围城》中也塑造了一座围城,里面的人想走出来,外面的人想走进去。可见他们是来去自如的。而韩寒的“城池”更多的是一种禁锢个人、禁锢群体的四面高墙。在这座“城池”中,个人或群体所能做的是要么围绕四墙转圈似奔走,要么穿越高墙逃离城池。可见不脱离约束自己前进的东西,永远也走不出那座“城池”。即使出去了,面对的将是城外更大的一座“城池”而已。 韩寒想通过对年轻不羁的岁月的描写反射出这座城池中的各个阴暗面。因此,单单翻译成“?????¨莲花都市)”略显淡薄。

其次,在人物名称的翻译上,译者单纯的音译,并没有表达出原著双关语的隐喻性含义。文章出现的人物少之又少,主角只有我和“健叔”。而译者把“健叔”翻译成了“???¨????????”,韩寒在书中提到了“健叔”称号的由来,“‘健叔’是我们学校有名的修电脑有一手的人,比我们高一级,长得很成熟,所以大家都叫他‘叔’。但译者将“叔”直接音译成了“?”,没有表达出作者的原义,并且一直把“叔”翻译成“?”的译者突然又将译文中间出现的“叔”翻译成“????¨?ó????”,这种处理突兀生硬,读者会丈二的和尚摸不着头脑。此外,“健叔”的“健”字是一个非常有讽喻性的字,小说中健叔经常遭遇事故,是一个增添悲剧色彩的倒霉蛋,健叔的病和伤都推动了情节的发展,使他们的经历更加怪诞,同时健叔看病的过程反映出很多社会最隐私最阴暗的一面。这个“健”字与健叔的遭遇形成了极大的反差,是有讽喻意义的。译者直接音译成了“??¨??????”使读者完全无法领会原著的微言大义,没有办法引导读者评价和赏析原著人名的潜在效果,也减少了小说的趣味性和理论性。

3.·???·?·¨???°?ì???±???°?????????±???¤

·???????·????°?é???±???°?ì???±???°?ì???±????????·??????????ò??×÷?????????????????ò????×÷???????????????ò??×÷???????°?é???±????????·??????????ò?????????????????????????ò????????????°???×÷?????ò?????????÷°?????±????????????????ì??·?????·¨???????ì?????é?????????à??????????·?????±????????ê?????ì???ú±í×????????????????ü?????í??????????

韩寒的《一座城池》带有强烈的讽刺,看似荒诞、扭曲得语言逻辑,往往能够产生出乎意料的修辞效果。在平凡的字里行间叙说着平常人的事,韩寒的幽默是冷幽默,用幽默作为剖开社会阴暗面的工具。因此,译者对语言风格得模仿是非常难的。朴明爱的译本通篇采用了异化的手法,在很多地方减少了小说的趣味性,使“韩式幽默”蜕皮,原著最大放异彩的地方不能被很好的传达。翻译中,应该尽量用目的语读者喜闻乐见的语言、文学、文化要素来替换源语的语言、文学、文化要素。显然她没有做到。例如:原著中“此人在上海是个社交名媛,我当时并不明白什么交社交,自然更不明白什么是‘媛’,但是名媛我知道,就是‘著名的媛’”。译文为:“?? ?? ???? ?????? ??? ????,??? ???? ??? ? ??? ? ? ???.??? ??? ????? ?? ??? ? ???.?±此处,译者把“但是名媛我知道,就是‘著名的媛’”翻译成了“??? ??”,本来这句话用滑稽方式展现出了“我”作为一个下流社会人的无奈和窘迫。然而译者完全忽略了主人公将“名媛”拆分成“著名的媛”这一自我嘲笑式的独白。直接翻译成了非常漂亮的美人。没有尊重原文的语言风格,甚至会造成读者的误解。

4. “内科式治疗”:特殊名称翻译欠妥

余华曾说:忠实原文是翻译的底线。所以,当汉语与其他语言之间的不对应性和非共同性使得尊重原著变得困难时。不应该采取删减式的翻译,而是应该采用入乡随俗的“内科式治疗”。作者在这一方面很多时候则没有很好地运用“内科式治疗”。笔者通过分析译者在一些特殊名称的翻译上,见微知著。例如:原著中“等他们七年之痒。”

“七年之痒”是一个汉语词语,被翻译成了“等到七年的感情完结”。这一词语本是指人们的爱情或婚姻生活到了第七年到达倦怠期。作者的翻译????????“望文生义”。这里表达的意思是俩人久处生厌的倦怠时期。翻译??????“????¨????????”会帮助韩国读者更好地理解。

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参考文献:

[1]龚芬.翻译引论[ M] .北京:高等教育出版社,2011.

[2]熊兵.翻译研究中的概念混淆[J].中国翻译,2014(3):82-88

[3]杨平.对当前中国翻译研究的思考[J].中国翻译,2004(6):64-69

[4]韩寒.一座城池[M]. 沈阳:万卷出版公司,2008.

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